Like
a lot of Americans, I have been thinking for a long time that our
nation is on the wrong track. Not only do things seem to be getting
worse rather than better, but it seems the system itself is broken so
it is no longer possible to get it back on track. People are
disgusted but don't know what to do. The two presumptive
presidential nominees of the major political parties show that both
parties are out of touch with the American people. I don't think we
have ever seen the two leading candidates have such high disapproval
ratings from the public as those of Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump.
And the public has an even worse opinion of Congress. The latest
poll shows only 11 percent of the public approves of Congress. That's
only two points above the lowest number every recorded, in 2013 also
under the Obama administration.
The
economy is sputtering. Growth averaged 3 percent between 1980 and
2007. Since then it has averaged 1.2 percent. In the first quarter
2016, the economy grew only 0.8 percent, even less than the
disappointing 4th quarter of 2015 at 1.4 percent. In
April 2016, employment grew a paltry 160,000 jobs while the adult
population grew by 200,000 people. In May only 38,000 new jobs were
created, far below the 162,000 expected. That was the worst monthly
jobs report in five years. At the same time, downward revisions to
the previous numbers for April and March subtracted 59,000 jobs.
David
Stockman, former head of the Office of Management and Budget,
calculates 2.3 million jobs paying an average of $58,000 per year
have been lost in manufacturing, mining/energy and construction since
2008 and have been replaced by 1.9 million jobs is leisure and
hospitality paying less than $20,000 per year. In May 2016,
manufacturing lost 18,000 jobs; mining lost 10,000; construction lost
5,000; and even temporary workers backtracked, losing 21,000 jobs.
Meanwhile a half million more people quit looking for work that
month, bringing the number of Americans of working age who aren't
working to 94.7 million. There are now fewer full-time, full-pay
jobs than in December 2007.
According to the Conference Board, productivity in the U.S. is now MINUS 0.2 percent. For the first time in more than three decades, we produced less GDP per hour worked. We got poorer.
Figure
1
Wages
are flat. The stock market looks vulnerable. It, along with the rest of the economy, looks more like it is rolling over, ready to topple,
rather than perking up. Business sales have been declining for two
years and are now 5 percent below their peak in 2014; meanwhile
inventories have been building up—not a good sign for the economy.
Corporate debt is now $6.7 trillion, more than double what is was
prior to the last crisis. Most of that increase has gone into stock
buybacks, mergers and acquisitions, and various leveraged-buyout
recapitalizations rather than productive investments. Last year
buybacks and mergers and acquisitions were $2 trillion while all
R&D and office equipment spending was $1.8 trillion.
Household
debt has now climbed to $13 trillion, comparable to its peak before
the recession. Our national debt has now ballooned to $19 trillion.
It just keeps on growing, and government is doing nothing about it
even though everyone recognizes it is a time bomb that could blow up
the whole economy, impoverish us and destroy our future.
The
Obama administration and the Federal Reserve have been attempting to
stimulate the economy with “quantitative easing” (a
scholarly-sounding term for printing money) to increase spending in
accordance with Keynesian theory. This is the same idea that was
employed early in the Obama administration with its $770 billion
(later adjusted to $831 billion) stimulus program,
the American
Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 .
That program failed:
Adminstration's
Projected Unemployment Rate
With/without
Obama's Stimulus Program
Source:
Bureau of Labor Statistics: “The Job Impact of
the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act” [Stimulus
Act]
Figure 2
The
red line in the above graph is the Obama administration's projection
that the stimulus program would hold unemployment under 8 percent,
compared to the administration's projection without the stimulus
program (middle line on the chart). Instead, unemployment actually
rose higher than it would have been without the stimulus,
and it remained above 8 percent for four years. The stimulus program
was far worse than doing nothing!
Influential
economist John Maynard Keynes claimed spending—for anything—was
the driver of the economy and that government spending produced a
multiplier effect as the dollars were, in turn, spent again and again
throughout the economy. He had no evidence to support this. Keynes'
biographer Hunter Lewis says, “There is no evidence” that
spending ever cured a recession, and Keynes “wasn't particularly
interested in evidence.”
Keynes
theory provided the rationale for Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal
program of massive spending to try to pull the country out of the
Great Depression. It failed. On May 9, 1939, FDR's treasury
secretary and good friend Henry Morgenthau testified before the House
Ways and Means Committee: “We have tried spending money. We are
spending more than we have ever spent before and it does not
work....After eight years of this administration we have just as much
unemployment as when we started....And an enormous debt to boot.”
The
Keynesian rationale that failed with Obama's 2009 stimulus bill,
just as it had with FDR's program in the 1930s, was based on a
multiplier of 1.5. That meant the GDP would increase by $1.50 for
every additional dollar spent by government. If the multiplier were
really larger than 1.0, the GDP would rise even more than the rise in
government spending. The U.S., Greece, and other spendthrift nations
wouldn't be going broke—they'd be getting richer the more they
spent! The reality is that the multiplier is always less than 1.0. In
my book The Impending Monetary Revolution, the Dollar and Gold,
Second Edition, I cite several research studies
which document this.
“Quantitative
easing” is now the favored term for making more money available,
supposedly leading to more spending, which would create economic
growth. If more money was available for, say, housing or construction
or alternative energy development etc., it was thought this would
stimulate growth in other sectors of the economy and lo and behold we
would have vibrant economic growth. But it didn't work out that way.
Creating
more money has simply created more debt. The world is being swamped
by a flood of money and credit. Since 2007, global debt has
increased by $57 trillion—three times faster than global GDP. This
includes all categories of debt: household, corporate, government,
and financial. All the major central banks are now engaging in
quantitative easing. The Fed has been spending
trillions of dollars buying government bonds to increase the money
supply to stimulate the economy, but the U.S. statistics I've cited
above show it hasn't worked.
Japan,
which has tried stimulus programs for more than two decades, has gone
even further. Its central bank now buys not only government bonds but
corporate bonds, common stocks, real estate, and ETFs to increase the
money supply. In fact, the central bank owns 52% of the entire
Japanese market in exchange traded funds. None of this has worked.
In spite of all this spending, Japan has had two “lost decades”
of virtually no economic growth and is now more concerned about
deflation than inflation.
Japan
is the last of the major central banks to reach its “Havenstein
moment.” Rudolph Havenstein was the head of the German Central
Bank during the great hyperinflation in Germany. A “Havenstein
moment” is when the person in charge of the money supply decides
that massive printing of money is better than the alternative, that
it is preferable to deflation. In November 2015 Japan entered its
fifth recession since 2008, and the recoveries have been so weak it's
hard to distinguish them from the recessions. The nation is mired in
a third “lost decade.”
Shinzo
Abe was elected prime minister of Japan largely on a campaign of
monetary easing. The Abe government said in May 2013 it aimed to
improve the economy with two percent inflation by doubling the money
supply. It said it would engage in “unlimited” or “open ended”
printing of money to achieve that goal. Almost three years later, in
April 2016, the inflation rate was 0.10 percent. And the nation's
debt-to-GDP ratio ballooned to 250 percent—the highest in the
world—compared to 65 percent in 1990, when the stimulus programs
began.
Why
can't governments create wealth? Laws and regulations are all
enforced by the police power of government to inflict losses on
people by fines or jail sentences if they don't comply. But people
make economic transactions because of the prospect of gain, not
because of the threat of loss. There is no way the government's
power to inflict losses can bring the same results as a free market
that allows people to choose gains.
In
a free market every transaction benefits both sides, according to
their judgment, or they would not participate. It is a win-win
situation. A government transaction is always win-lose, because
government benefits one side by imposing a loss on the other (or the
taxpayers) that would not be accepted but for the prospect of even
greater loss through fines or jail sentences. Instead of the win-win
transactions of free markets, we have the win-lose transactions of a
government “managed” economy. The more these win-lose
transactions proliferate, the more the economy falls behind what
would have been achieved by the win-win transactions of free markets.
Government's only power in managing the economy is to make things
worse; whatever it does will be worse than if it did nothing. Some
individuals or sectors of the economy may benefit from government
policies, but those gains are always more than offset by losses
elsewhere. The advance of society is achieved by the economic gains
of people acting for their own self-interest in the context of their
natural rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. In
short, by the actions in a free market.
The
Obama administration has added 80,000 pages of regulations annually
and is preparing to issue another 3,000 regulations before the end of
the year. This is not a way to grow the economy. Regulations force
uneconomic actions dictated by government's power to inflict losses.
Businesses face the time-consuming, costly and often futile task of
keeping up with regulations to avoid penalties for requirements they
didn't know existed. James Madison wrote in Federalist 62:
“It
will be of little avail to the people that the laws are made by men
of their own choice, if the laws be so voluminous that they cannot be
read, or so incoherent that they cannot be understood; if they be
repealed or revised before they are promulgated, or undergo such
incessant changes that no man who knows what the law is today can
guess what is will be tomorrow.”
The
number of federal crimes has grown to 4,889, mostly from regulations,
even though the Constitution lists only three: treason, piracy and
counterfeiting. Government grows and freedom shrinks. And what can
people do about it? Decades of effort to elect new people to office
in Washington have failed to reverse the expansion of the federal
government.
For
more than 40 years I have been intrigued with amending our
Constitution by a method that has never been used. It is the
provision in Article V of the Constitution whereby the states
themselves can amend the Constitution rather than going through
Congress, as was done with previous amendments in our history. I
have discussed this unused method—and made recommendations for new
amendments—in three books I have written over the years, the most
recent one being The
Impending Monetary Revolution, the Dollar and Gold, Second
Edition. I
have come to the conclusion that constitutional amendments are the
only way to right the wrongs that have developed in our political
system. For decades we've been deviating from the Constitution and
principles of economic freedom and individual rights that made this
country, but Obama's “transformational change” has made things so
much worse as to culminate in a monetary revolution now before us.
Since
our economy has been performing poorly for years and government has
been unable to stimulate it, we face an insurmountable obstacle in
the form of entitlements growing at 9 percent annually—far beyond
our economic growth rate. We are not going to be able to fund what
we are already legally obligated to spend. Since 2000, entitlements
have been growing almost twice as fast as wages and salaries (6.3
percent compared to 3.3 percent). That alone should tell you this
cannot continue much longer. There must be an end to it—not years
from now but very soon.
Capital
investment is critical to productivity growth, and productivity
growth in turn is the crucial issue in economic growth in a wider
sense. As productivity and economic activity slow down,
entitlements will loom as an even larger problem. Meanwhile,
near-zero interest rates—even negative rates in major foreign
countries—punish savers and leave less capital for investment. The
economic slowdown is not limited to the United States.
U.S.
monetary problems are world problems. Our problems from abandonment
of the gold standard, excessive federal spending and debasement of
the dollar become problems for other nations' economies because of
the dollar's reserve currency status. The dollar is the basis of the
international monetary system—meaning that system is based on the
debt of the U.S. government. Well, not quite, or at least not
entirely, because the international monetary system contains another
asset, gold.
Under
the monetary system established at the Bretton Woods conference in
1944, only the U.S. agreed to link its currency to gold at a fixed
rate ($35 per ounce), and other nations agreed to maintain fixed
exchange rates of their currencies to the dollar. The International
Monetary Fund was established to operate this gold-exchange standard
with the dollar as a reserve currency along with gold. Although U.S.
citizens in the 1930s lost the right to redeem their dollars in
gold, foreign central banks could still do so until 1971 when the
U.S. defrauded those banks just as it had its own citizens in 1933.
On August 15, 1971, President Nixon ended redemption by foreign
central banks of dollars for gold. He did so because U.S. inflation
had made the $35 gold price unrealistic. Too many dollars were being
accumulated by foreign central banks, and too many were being
converted into gold at the bargain price. Gold was being drained
from the U.S. Treasury at a rate that could not be sustained.
When
the dollar's last link to gold was severed in 1971, there was nothing
to limit the increasing number of depreciating dollars the U.S. sent
abroad to pay for the increasing importation of goods. The U.S.
consumed more than it has produced (measured
by international trade balance) every year since 1976. In 1982 the
U.S. was still the world's largest creditor. In 1985 it became a net
debtor for the first time in 71 years, with an investment deficit of
$110.7 billion. It became the worlds' largest debtor only three
years later, and ever since, it has continued to pile more debt upon
debt just like Greece.
Abolishing the last link of the dollar to gold led to the collapse in 1973 of the system of fixed exchange rates, but the dollar was still considered the reserve currency although it had lost the basis for its becoming so in the first place. This meant not only that this restraint on inflating the U.S. money supply was eliminated but that the U.S. could export inflation to other countries, which would convert increasing dollar reserves into their own currencies. The entire world's monetary system no longer had any anchor. The world's currencies all became fiat paper.
From 1976 to 1980 the International Monetary fund eliminated the use of gold as a common denominator, abolished the official price of gold, and ended the obligatory use of gold between the IMF and its member countries. Also, it sold approximately one-third (50 million ounces) of its gold holdings “following an agreement by its member countries to reduce the role of gold in the international monetary system,” says an IMF fact sheet.
For
years then the IMF and others tried to phase out gold in the monetary
system. The IMF even carried out several auctions of its gold to
further this effort and demonstrate that gold wasn't really important
and a paper reserve currency could take its place. That was to be
the trend of the future. But the U.S. policies of excessive spending
and running large deficits worked against that trend, because foreign
countries resented those policies having adverse effects on their own
economic interests. Indeed, the founding of the European Union—with
its own currency—was partly the result of trying to escape the
domination of the dollar in European commerce because of U.S. abuse
of its privileged role of the dollar in the monetary system.
Finally,
in 2009 the French President Nicolas
Sarkozy joined Russia, China and other emerging countries in calling
for an end to the dollar's reign as the primary international
currency. And the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
endorsed moving away from the central role of the dollar in the world
monetary system. The IMF held its last auction of gold (403 metric
tons) in September 2009, and China began removing its restrictions on
gold ownership by its citizens. The metal that was supposed to be
phased out by fiat paper currency was now phasing out that fiat
paper. This was to be the trend for the future, regardless of the
Keynesian theories held by monetary policy "experts" in or out of
government.
Deng
Xiaoping was a reformer who abandoned many communist doctrines and
introduced elements of the free-enterprise system into the Chinese
economy. He reformed many aspects of China's political, social and
economic life, but insisted it remain a socialist nation. He quickly
opened China to trade and investment, and by the mid 1980s he had
instituted reforms in agriculture and industry that made China an
economic powerhouse.
China's
efficiency in manufacturing led to huge trade surpluses—and the
accumulation of trillions of dollars. Those dollars were recycled
back to the U.S. by buying U.S. Treasury securities: that is, the
U.S. was borrowing back the dollars, which were then used for more
spending and increasing the federal debt. The U.S. acted like this
cycle could go on forever, but two factors indicate that “forever”
is coming sooner than expected. Both are related to the dollar's
preeminent status as the world's reserve currency.
First,
it was often stated that both the U.S. and foreign
nations—particularly China, the largest buyer of U.S.
treasuries—were “trapped” by the trading pattern: both sides
were benefiting and would be hurt by changing the relationship.
Importing cheap manufactured goods was advantageous to the U.S.,
while China obtained export markets and an influx of dollars for jobs
and economic growth. It seemed like China could do nothing with its
dollars except buy more U.S. treasury debt. But China, increasingly
worried about the long-term value of U.S. fiat money, began using its
dollars to buy gold and other hard assets.
Other
countries, particularly in Asia, began buying increasing quantities
of gold, too. Every year India buys four times as much gold as all
of North America. China has been encouraging its people to buy gold
under its policy of “storing wealth with the people.” It even
runs television ads urging them to buy. The Shanghai Gold Exchange
leads the world in delivery of physical gold.
Figure
3
When
there have been occasional large price declines that scared American
and European investors into selling gold, much of that gold,
particularly from ETFs, went to Switzerland—which has four of the
largest gold refineries in the world—where bars and coins were
recast into smaller sizes for export to Hong Kong, which services
demand from China, Thailand, Taiwan and other Asian countries. There
has been a massive transfer of gold from the West to the Far East.
Central banks, which not many years ago were selling their gold, have
been buying it in increasing quantities. In 2010 they bought 77
metric tons; in 2015 they bought 477.2 metric tons. Overall, global
demand in the first quarter 2016 reached
1,290 metric tons, a 21 percent increase year-on-year, making it the
second largest quarter on record.
Second,
in 1973 the U.S. offered to sell Saudi Arabia, then the world's
leading oil exporter, weapons and provide military protection to the
ruling family and the government. All the U.S. asked in return was
that Saudi Arabia's oil be sold only for dollars and that surplus
revenue available for investment by the Saudis from oil sales, after
deducting for the needs of government, would be invested in U.S.
Treasury securities. Such a deal! By 1975 all of OPEC (Organization
of Petroleum Exporting Countries) members agreed to the same deal.
Since
every country in the world was either buying or selling oil, they
were all dealing in dollars because oil was priced in dollars. These
“petrodollars” gave support to the American currency, but that is
all but gone. As a result of fracking, horizontal drilling,
deep-water drilling, and the discovery of new oil fields all over the
world, neither Saudi Arabia, nor the United States nor any other
nation can set the price of oil irrespective of what is happening in
the industry all over the globe. Japan is buying oil from Iran priced
in Japanese yen. India buys oil from Iran in rupees. Russia agreed
to the sale of $400 billion of natural gas to China over the next 30
years with the gas priced in Chinese yuan, not dollars. China also
has agreements with at least 22 other countries for bilateral trade
agreements in currencies other than the dollar. The BRICs (the large
developing nations of Brazil, Russia, India and China) have agreed to
trade in each others currencies rather than using the dollar as an
intermediary. Australia, South
Korea, Turkey and Kazakhstan have agreed to conduct trade in currency
swaps of their own respective currencies. Our longtime ally Germany
has agreed to trade with China in yuan and euros.
Meanwhile,
what has happened to those oil revenues the oil-producing countries
were recycling back to the U.S. by purchasing U.S treasury
securities? Since dollars are no longer needed to buy oil, and since
the treasuries pay extremely low interest, central banks have been
dumping them at the fastest pace of a U.S. debt sell-off since at
least 1978. Sales hit a record $57 billion in January 2016. In
March all central banks sold net $17 billion in U.S. Treasury bonds
with China, Russia and Brazil each selling at least $1 billion. The
following chart shows how central banks have been dumping U.S.
treasuries. Please note that the chart does NOT indicate less severe
selling in 2016 than the previous year because the 2016 bar is
incomplete; it represents only the first four months of the year. If
the trend continues for the rest of 2016, the sell-off will be much
larger than in 2015.
Figure
4
If
central banks continue dumping U.S. treasuries, the U.S. will need to
monetize some of the debt to fill the gap between the treasuries it
offers and what other countries are willing to buy. In this
monetizing process, government finances its spending by its central
bank buying and holding debt, which
increases
the money supply.
This
essentially “turns
the debt
into money”
This
does not happen when gold—not debt—is money.
When
the Fed buys bonds for its portfolio, it purchases them from a bank
with an account at the Fed and pays for them by simply creating a
credit on that bank's Fed account. Kevin Hassett, a former senior
economist at the Fed, notes
“with money and gold connected, [this process] was simply not an
option.” The
U.S. was on the gold standard when the Fed was created.
“The
Constitution never had a balanced-budget amendment,” wrote
Lewis Lehrman and John D. Mueller, “because the constitutional
metallic standard was a perfectly written balanced budget amendment.”
Now we have an unconstitutional agency, the Fed, creating
unconstitutional money, fiat paper dollars. Our Constitution grants
no authority for either a central bank or paper money, and we need
not only a balanced budget amendment but amendments that abolish the
Fed and restore gold convertibility to our currency.
Those
amendments, and others, might be pursued by states that have passed
or favor a multiple-amendment proposal for a convention. For states
and organizations pursuing single-subject amendments, I would hope
they might see my suggestions worthy of their support and not in
conflict with their chosen objective but perhaps helpful to it.
Hopefully, then, they might pass a resolution adding their approval,
though perhaps this would not occur before 34 states approve their
chosen amendment. It may be, too, that as an Article V convention
gains popularity, the number of participating states will
substantially exceed the required 34, meaning additional states might
compensate for some states remaining confined to single-subject
amendments and thus enable 34 states for new amendments.
The
need for various amendments has never been more dire as the course of
our government has brought us to the edge of a monetary disaster with
worse consequence for Americans than the recent Great Recession.
Some of my proposed amendments are similar to those proposed by
others, but in my book I offer some I don't think anyone else has
proposed. Some may seem unlikely at this point, but as economic
conditions in this country unravel, they may be viewed in a more
favorable light. In any case, they are steps America should take,
whether now or later.
I
shall discuss other of my proposed amendments in future postings of
this series on this blog.